Wednesday, 26 October 2016

Fearful Christians (And The Damage They Do)...

Image result for fear


One open secret of elections is that people very often aren’t voting for a candidate but against another candidate. They aren’t putting someone in office, but keeping someone else out.


Another open secret of elections is that people often vote out of insecurity and fear- fears for their incomes, jobs, savings, for their children’s futures, that they’ll be worse off under another candidate’s regime…

Finally, there’s the open secret that the fear many people vote from are unfounded or irrational- that the government is plotting to make your religion illegal, allowing immigrants to ‘pour’ into the country, will make owning a gun illegal, founded and funds foreign terrorist groups…

What makes fear so destructive to democracy and social stability is that it’s by its very nature irrational. Unlike someone exercising caution, sober-mindedness, risk assessment, and carefulness, a fearful person is usually uninformed (working without good information) and/or selfish (obsessed with their own safety or desires without attention to others’).

Fear often leads to overreaction- impulsive, knee-jerk action- or, conversely, paralysis- the inability to make good decisions or implement important activity.

Out of fear that our children might take drugs, we’ve ended up creating a multi-billion dollar prison infrastructure and incarcerating millions of nonviolent offenders as part of our ‘war on drugs’;

Out of fear of ‘terrorism’, we’ve severely curtailed the civil liberties of millions, illegally ‘profiled’ certain ethnic groups, cultures, and religions, and waged undeclared war on huge swathes of the globe, raining entire regions with drone strikes and bombing campaigns;

Out of fear for personal safety (and property values), we’ve militarized our police forces, criminalized the homeless, and reinforced structural racism in our courts, prison systems, and grand juries.

Much reporting and analysis during this election has focused on the fears of many Americans, and one group of Americans has stood out- Christians.

This election has been in the thrall of fearful Christians. A quick google search yielded me a whole page of headlines about fearful Christians- 

Christians who fear the loss of their guns; 

who fear Christianity is slowly becoming illegal; 

who fear the presence of Muslims and other faiths openly expressing themselves in their towns; 

who fear that LGBT people are destroying America; 

who fear Common Core curricula is poisoning their children...

The tragedy for me, as a theologian, is that this shows the extent to which so much American Christianity- of every denomination- is disconnected with theological reflection and the biblical text.

The biblical text is rife with exhortations to have no fear of anything. The righteous are not to worry or be anxious. The Hebrew book of Proverbs, the Psalms- and for certain denominations, the Book of Sirach and the Wisdom of Solomon- in dozens of instances all stress clear-thinking, wisdom, and sober-mindedness.

For Christians, Jesus on numerous occasions told his disciples not to fear what was going on, as well as to love their enemies, not fear them.

It is vital to remember, however, that we are not to be indifferent, nor are we to think that nothing really matters, that all situations are equal, or that we are not to care what happens.

Rather, whatever is going on around us, we are to actively pursue, as Jesus did, the Kingdom of God- peace, justice, and kindness;

We are to declare, as Jesus did, the year of God’s favour, not his wrath and his judgement;

We are to declare and live out, as Jesus did, the Good News of the Gospel- food for the poor, sight to the blind, release to the prisoners, freedom for the captives, life for the lifeless, a voice for the voiceless;

But what if, many argue, we feel legislated against? What if they legalize what we hold to be sin? What if they allow what we see as disgusting?  What about creating godly courts and governments?

St. Paul, writing to Christians who were often socially disadvantaged, looked down upon, or legislated against, never told his readers to be fearful of the future or strike back out of fear:


the fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, peace, patience, kindness, goodness, faithfulness, gentleness, and self-control. Against such things there is no law (Gal. 5:22-23).

Whatever happens, love one another; do what is right; live peaceably with your neighbours; keep your head. There’s no law against that…

When was the last time in this election season you heard a Christian priest, pastor, or politician say that?

What if, many argue, the situation is serious, even grave? What if we’re attacked? What if cataclysm falls upon us? What if the Antichrist appears? What if our enemies destroy what we hold sacred?


As he was sitting on the Mount of Olives, his disciples came to him privately and said, “Tell us, when will these things happen? And what will be the sign of your coming and of the end of the age?”  Jesus answered them, “Watch out that no one misleads you.  For many will come in my name, saying, ‘I am the Christ,’ and they will mislead many.  You will hear of wars and rumors of wars. Make sure that you are not alarmed, for this must happen, but the end is still to come.  For nation will rise up in arms against nation, and kingdom against kingdom. And there will be famines and earthquakes in various places.  All these things are the beginning of birth pains… So when you see the abomination of desolation—spoken about by Daniel the prophet—standing in the holy place (let the reader understand), then those in Judea must flee to the mountains (Matt. 24:1-8,15-16).

Armies will march; persecution will come; God’s Temple will be destroyed…   But make sure you are not alarmed; this isn’t the end of the world; God has not abandoned us… No need to fight; no need to form a resistance; just run, run away, save yourself, save your family; love God and your neighbour...

When was the last time in this election season you heard a Christian priest, pastor, or politician say that?

Socially, fear- and fearmongering- never nurtures democracy. It never builds social capital. It is never the foundation stone of beneficial public policy.

Theologically, fear- and fearmongering- is never described as a good or healthy spiritual trait. It is warned against in hundreds of passages in the biblical text. It is antithetical to the person and message of Jesus as he is described in the Gospels.

It is because of fear, scare tactics, and lowest-common-denominator fearmongering that we stand on a social and democratic precipice- and the fear of many Christians has played no small part in bringing us to this point. 

Those Christian leaders, clergy, the Christian politicians they prop up, and the ordinary Christians posting to Facebook and Twitter who have sown so much fear into the hearts and minds of their congregations, constituencies, and friends have done them, the country as a whole, and American democracy an enormous disservice.

For that, we must all repent…

… And model something very different. 

Monday, 24 October 2016

White Christian Voters: How 'Right' Is Too 'Right'?








I presently live in the Flathead Valley of Northwest Montana. Between Flathead Lake, the Swan Range of the Rocky Mountains, the nearby Glacier National Park, and our endless ‘big sky’, residents of this corner of the US never have cause to doubt that we live among some of the most breath-taking scenery in the world.

The Flathead Valley is a great place to live. People are friendly, the schools are great, and the pace of life is easy. There’s great local restaurants and bars, local entertainment, many local artists and galleries, several local microbreweries and winemakers and- believe it or not- a lively Irish traditional music scene, of which I have happily become a part.

I really like living here.

But the Flathead Valley- and Montana in general- also has a darker side: a small, but extremely active far-right movement.

There are several local individuals and groups holding public meetings, running websites, and having demonstrations expressing a toxic mix of white supremacism, white nationalism, and Neo-Nazi, anti-immigrant, anti-Native American, and anti-Semitic rhetoric.  

The history of some of these people goes back decades, working under one incarnation or another. More often than not, it’s been fairly under the radar and hasn’t really touched upon mainstream politics.

That has changed, however, over the past year, as Donald Trump’s campaign for the US Presidency has mainstreamed things that used to be whispered about or only spoken aloud in carefully-coded conversation.

By ‘mainstreaming’ I mean that a lot of ideas and rhetoric that, until a very short time ago, could have only seen on far-right internet forums like Stormfront or the New Century Foundation are openly expressed by official candidates of a mainstream political party- one of them exactly one vote away from securing the White House.

Please understand that in no sense am I accusing the majority of Republican Party members of racism or white nationalism; what I do mean is that the Trump Presidential run- and the GOP leaderships enabling of it- has widened the parameters of acceptable discourse to include issues, topics, and solutions that would have previously been considered dangerously extremist.

Like it or not, thanks to Trump, more and more right-wing extremists feel welcome in the political mainstream.

Our own local example of this is Taylor Rose, running for the District 3 Montana House seat.

The Montana Human Rights Network and the Southern Poverty Law Center have assiduously documented Rose’s long-standing ties with European neo-Nazi groups, US neo-confederate groups, and local Montana far-right organizations.

He has spoken and written extensively in his own publications, radical right-wing magazines, news outlets, and online; the evidence is public and extensive.

Nevertheless, he is a self-professed Christian and is running as a Republican, and the local GOP have assiduously papered over or dodged questions of Rose’s far-right associations.

I’ve spent the past few days writing to our local newspapers, calling on local GOP leadership, as well as ordinary voters, to repudiate Rose and make clear that there is no place in party politics for candidates so openly associated with hate groups.

Looking at all this as a theologian, I think this touches on an issue that just might be the defining issue for American Christianity at this historical moment.

I’m mindful of the large Christian presence here in the valley-the vast majority of whom are white Evangelicals, many of whom, as I wrote about in my last post, have gravitated to Trump.

Needless to say, I have no concrete idea how these people are going to vote- though, again as I wrote about in my last post, white, older Evangelicals are a key Trump demographic.

When I look at our local politics, I’m not interested in whether or not they vote for Trump;

I’m very interested in if they will vote for Rose...

Simply put, if the fruit of this election cycle is a reinvigorated, uncloaked far-right as a viable presence in US politics, will white Evangelicals gravitate towards openly segregationist, anti-immigrant, aggressively Islamophobic, anti-Semitic candidates once again?

Yes, I did say ‘once again’…

There was a time- and not just in the South- when white Christians supported openly racist political candidates and movements all the time. The Ku Klux Klan, the John Birch Society, Catholic demagogue Father Charles Coghlin... Protecting a white, Protestant status quo- and doing so openly- was the benchmark for many Christian voters.

There has been excellent scholarship and commentary recently about how American Christians of all denominations engage with electoral politics. In the background of it all are the racial, social, and religious shifts going on in 21st-century America. 

The US is no longer a majority white, Christian nation; it’s still majority Christian by a considerable margin, but discounting African-Americans and Latinos, white Christians are only 45% of the population.

Many of the certainties of their former privilege are no longer concrete;

Issues such as ‘law and order’, the ‘war on drugs’, human sexuality, foreign policy, environmentalism, and gender issues are being explored from more expansive and inclusive- and less white and male- Christian perspectives.

And many older, white, and (mostly) male Evangelicals are pushing back…

American Christianity- particularly that of older, white, and (mostly) male Evangelicals- has reached an important crossroads.

How- and how far- are they willing to push back?

Who are they willing to support who promises to shore up their position?

How far back are they willing to look into their idyllic past for inspiration? 


How far to the right is too far right? 

Friday, 14 October 2016

'Reprobate Theology': The Divinity and the Depravity...








If you had to give this US Presidential election a slogan, it really would have to be ‘Yes, This Is Really Happening’…

Look, I won’t bother to catalog in detail here the myriad reasons that I think Trump is singularly unqualified for high office- the hate, the fear, the lies, the conspiracies, the arrogance, the sexual boasting- and go straight to one aspect of the whole thing that has me thinking:

The large number of prominent Evangelicals supporting him.

When news started to filter out some months ago that many influential Evangelical Christian leaders- as well as many suburban, older, white Evangelical voters (this is a very important distinction to make this early in this piece; younger, black, and Latino Evangelicals, who are largely forgotten and ignored when the term ‘Evangelicals’ gets used in a political context, are another matter entirely) were endorsing Trump, many of my Christian friends- particularly the Evangelical ones- were apoplectic. My social media erupted with posts with variations of ‘Why? WHY?! WWHHYYYYYYYYY!!!???’

Me? I wasn’t surprised in the slightest.

Why? Well, I’ll have to preface this by saying the unthinkable: Donald, this has nothing to do with you…

I’ve been cognizant of politics for over 30 years, and in those years, there have been few political realities as enduring as Evangelical Christian America’s dislike for Hilary Clinton.

I don’t mean ‘dislike’ in the sense of the ‘dislike’ one might feel for a politician with whom one disagrees; I mean ‘dislike’ in the same way one ‘dislikes’ smallpox…

Clinton is loathed, loathed on an elemental level; feared for what her presence might mean for their lives and the lives of loved ones; they hope and pray that all possible actions will be taken to stop her before she destroys again.

And like smallpox, she is loathed by many not as a person or a personality, but as an entity, a force; a disembodied, existential threat.

Whenever Clinton ran for President, the majority of suburban, white, older Evangelical Christian America was going to support whoever opposed her.

Last year, Donald Trump- an amoral, a-religious, profane, thrice-married, twice-divorced adulterer and CEO of a bankrupt gambling empire- became that opposition.

Most Evangelicals, of course, initially supported Jeb Bush, Cruz, Rubio, Carson… sometimes for their Evangelical and conservative bona fides, but always, underneath, because of the threat of Clinton. Each of these men in turn succumbed to Trump’s unique and unprecedented brand of insult-fuelled bullying, eventually leaving only Trump…

… and Clinton, the important part of this sentence being the ‘… and Clinton’.

Many observers thought that, for the majority of Evangelicals, support for Trump would be an insurmountable obstacle.

Focus on the Family founder and prominent Evangelical leader James Dobson laid the groundwork for demolishing that obstacle last June, announcing that Trump had recently come to ‘accept a relationship with Christ’ and was now ‘a baby Christian’. He gave no details, even saying he didn’t know when this conversion had occurred, only suggesting that it had been recent.

The right-wing, conservative Evangelical word breathed a collective, almost-audible sigh of relief. Trump was one of them.

What followed was, in my opinion, one of the most fascinating theological developments in the history of American politics, what I’d call ‘Reprobate Theology’.

At the heart of ‘Reprobate Theology’ is a dual commitment to the Christian doctrine of Total Depravity and the Pauline view of salvation. Emerging from Augustine of Hippo, Total Depravity concludes that every person is enslaved to sin, unable to satisfy divine justice in any way other than the unmerited grace of God. Through this grace, accomplished through the death of Christ, according to the Apostle Paul, the utterly depraved human becomes ‘a new creation; old things have passed away; all things are become new (2 Cor. 5:17)’.

So far, so standard Christian theology. But its specific political praxis that ‘Reprobate Theology’ comes into its own.

This praxis is twofold; first, there is the idea that the depravity itself is somehow to be, if not celebrated, then explicitly seen as irrelevant beside God’s ability to use the depraved person to do his will. God’s use of the person effectively takes all concerns, not just of the person’s sinful history, but indirectly their current qualifications, expertise (or lack of either), basic character, and temperament off the table, out of consideration.  

And, ironically, the more depraved the better, it would seem. Many Evangelical Trump supporters immediately began scouring the Biblical text for serial adulterers given a divine pass. They didn’t have to look far. David! Solomon! Samson! Killers, adulterers, warlords, despots… And God used them! Why can’t he use Donald Trump? After all, he’s depraved! I’m a sinner and God uses me! Stop judging! God’s got a plan…

Thus, bad behaviour is not an indication of a person’s character (regardless of everything drummed into my head from 8 years of Baptist High School…) but of the greatness of God’s forgiveness…

Helpfully, ‘Reprobate Theology’ is cyclically reinforcing; ongoing revelations of depravity serve only to strengthen it; the worse you are, the more God is glorified if he uses you. 

Secondly, ‘Reprobate Theology’ explicitly makes all past depravities off limits in terms of measuring competency or adequacy. Now that Trump is a ‘Christian’- a ‘new creation’- his past is off limits. After all, you can’t judge a brother in Christ. And we’re all sinners, sinners saved by grace…

My social media has been filled for two weeks with ‘Reprobate Theology’, and it’s very difficult to argue against. ‘Trump is a serial misogynist’; ‘So was David, and God used him’. ‘He has a bad character’; ‘So did Samson, and God used him’. ‘He’s woefully uninformed on even the basics of foreign policy, diplomacy, economics, trade…’ ‘’God has used the foolish things to confound the wise’…

The misuse of the Biblical text in this way is profoundly disturbing and personally frustrating for me. I care far, far too much for the Biblical text to see it used to excuse racism, misogyny, and stupidity.

Needless to say, ‘Reprobate Theology’ is meaningless because it can only be used in one direction; it uses the Biblical text to insulate Trump from criticism, but not Clinton herself or her husband. Their past indecencies, indiscretions, and alleged crimes are fair game. 

In fact, they are all magnified, as the election itself becomes, not simply an election, but a spiritual battle of Armageddon-sized proportions.

Why? Because Clinton herself has been so dehumanized for so long, she has morphed in the collective consciousness of ‘Reprobate’ theologians into something almost entirely abstract. She is not simply a liar; she is untruth personified. She is not simply incompetent; she is chaos itself. She is not pro-choice; she is death walking around.

And she is certainly not a Christian, a lifetime of Methodism notwithstanding. Clinton’s Christianity is dismissed out of hand with the same finality as Trump’s is accepted.

The logical conclusion of this is radio host and notorious conspiracy theorist Alex Jones’s rant on his radio show:  

(Hilary Clinton) is an abject, psychopathic demon from Hell that as soon as she gets into power is going to try to destroy the planet. 

I’m sure of that, and people around her say she’s so dark now, and so evil, and so possessed that they are having nightmares, they’re freaking out. 

Folks, let me just tell you something, and if media wants to go with this, that’s fine. There are dozens of videos and photos of Obama having flies land on him, indoors, at all times of year, and he’ll be next to a hundred people and no one has flies on them. 

Hillary, reportedly, I mean, I was told by people around her that they think she’s demon-possessed, okay? I’m just going to go ahead and say it, okay?

They said that they’re scared. That’s why when I see her when kids are by her, I actually get scared myself, with a child — with that big rubber face and that — I mean this woman is dangerous, ladies and gentleman. I’m telling you, she is a demon. This is Biblical. She’s going to launch a nuclear war. The Russians are scared of her.

[…]

Imagine how bad she smells, man? I’m told her and Obama, just stink, stink, stink, stink. You can’t wash that evil off, man. Told there’s a rotten smell around Hillary. I’m not kidding, people say, they say — folks, I’ve been told this by high up, folks. They say listen, Obama and Hillary both smell like sulfur. I never said this because the media will go crazy with it, but I’ve talked to people that are in protective details, they’re scared of her. And they say listen, she’s a frickin’ demon and she stinks and so does Obama. I go, like what? Sulfur. They smell like Hell.

Before you dismiss Jones, understand that his show attracts 2 million listeners a week and Trump, when being interviewed on Jones’s website in December of last year, praised him. ‘Your reputation is amazing’, Trump said, ‘I will not let you down’…

‘Reprobate Theology’ is similar to the idea of ‘Disaster Theology’ I posted about on 21 August- it’s nonsense. It’s unsystematic, illogical, hurtful, hateful, and utterly biblically baseless. Any theological model that requires so many loopholes and exceptions to ‘work’ is simply bad theology- random, pointless, and anti-Christian.

The theological lesson of the 2016 US Presidential race might just end up being that, if the doctrine of Total Depravity is seriously brought to bear upon it, you just might end up supporting a candidate who is totally depraved…


Thursday, 29 September 2016

What Is Liberation Theology (according to me...)?








Have you ever noticed that there are a number of words and concepts that, when they are brought up, everyone just assumes that there is agreement on what they mean?

‘Feminism’;

‘Pacifism’;

‘Liberal’;

'The Gospel’;

‘Punk Rock’…

Am I right? That's just a few of the terms the definitions and understandings of which are simply held to be self-evident- and not only self-evident, but simple.

I’d like to add one more term to the above list, one that is very close to my heart:

‘Liberation Theology’...

Among its supporters and detractors, this is another term where everyone seems to assume we all agree what we’re talking about… which is odd, because I'm an expert in the field, and I’ve heard definitions of ‘liberation theology' that I thought were either extremely narrow or needlessly broad;

In an online forum, to a question asking what the key texts in liberation theology were, one answer given was ‘the Gospels’. Clever…

To some, it’s any Christian activity that is vaguely ‘activist’. Homeless activism? Liberation theology. Church food drive? Liberation theology. Habitat for Humanity? Liberation theology…

To some, it is pacifism; to others, it’s armed militancy;

I’ve met anti-globilization activists describe what they do as ‘liberation theology’, and I’ve met anti-abortion advocates argue that what they do is better described as ‘liberation theology’;

On a Facebook group ‘Interfaith Liberation Theology’ that I help moderate, someone left a long post laying out the tenants of the Unitarian Church; when we politely told him that we’d prefer not to have posts that appeared so openly to proselytize one view over another, he responded that he was confused, and thought that the group was about ‘liberation theology’;

Needless to say, just about anything that Pope Francis says or does is immediately described as ‘liberation theology’…

There are nubs of truth in all of these.

But ‘liberation theology’ means a lot to me; it has been a keen interest of mine for decades, right back to when I was a politically-minded university student in the Reagan era, working on anti-Contra and anti-Apartheid campaigns. Later, it formed the foundations for my Theology doctorate from Trinity College Dublin.

As anyone who has done post-grad work will attest, being able to credibly define the terms you use- and back up your definitions- is vital.

So, this piece lays out my explanation, within the context of my own theological work, of what ‘liberation theology' means to me, and what I think sets it apart from other theological movements and tendencies. Again, it’s just my view, but I think it stands up.

So, here we go…

Liberation theology, or as I’d specifically call it ‘Latin American liberation theology’, arose in the late 1960s in the wake of the Second Vatican Council and the subsequent meetings of Latin American Catholic bishops in Medellín, Colombia in 1968 and Puebla, Mexico in 1979.

Throughout the 70s and 80s, Latin American theologians such as Gustavo Gutiérrez, Juan Luis Segundo, Leonardo Boff, and Jon Sobrino developed and broadened the movement, but liberation theology is not so much a corpus of their works- impressive as it all is.

Rather, liberation theology represented a new theological moment, an attempt to do theology in a new way.  

It was theology done with a very specific focus, priority, method, and direction...


Focus: Social Analysis


Social analysis represented a distinct focus of liberation theology- a focus on the role of theological reflection with specific attention given to the immediate social context.

This focus can be traced to a new language and understanding developing within the post-War Catholic Church of the late 1950’s and 1960’s with the publication of such documents as Pope John XXIII’s encyclical Pacem in Terris, the documents of Vatican II- particularly the document Guadium Et Spes- and Pope Paul VI’s Populorum Progressio. In these documents, the Church announced its intention to open itself to the modern wider world with levels of intellectual and spiritual engagement deeper than it had previously. The modern global situation, the Church observed, was now one where:


 ..One person out of every four is Chinese, two out of every three have not enough to eat, one out of every three lives under a communist regime (and) one Christian out of every two is not a Catholic.




It’s not that these facts were unknown before; it was that the knowledge of those facts didn’t particularly affect the theological process one way or another. Interviewed in 2007, theological scholar Ivan Petrella put it succinctly:


The UN Human Development Report once noted that it would take an additional yearly investment of $6 billion to assure basic education for everyone, while $8 billion is spent annually on cosmetics in the U.S. The report also noted that an additional $9 billion of investment would take care of clean water, while $11 billion a year is spent on ice cream in Europe. 

What does this data have to do with Christianity? Until liberation theology came along, nothing. And that's the point. 


Vatican II- and the theology of liberation that was developing alongside of it- brought new focus and urgency to the Catholic Church’s theological process and, by so doing, to the broader Christian world as well. The document Guadium Et Spes spoke of the need to be 'scrutinizing the signs of the times' and 'interpreting them in the light of the gospel'; it discussed economics, technology, social issues, culture, and ecumenism; Pacem in Terris spoke of understanding of the Gospel in the everyday affairs of humanity; essential human rights were recognized and laid forth, and the Pope was categorical that the role of the State was never one of domination or repression; it too was governed by reason and the law of God.

The subtext of all of these documents was clear: the need to understand the realities of human conditions was an absolute necessity for theological reflection.

The meeting of Latin American bishops in the wake of Vatican II at Medellín, Colombia in 1968 was the moment when the Latin American Church gave official recognition to this new contextual focus. The bishops explicitly declared their solidarity with the continent’s poor and called for structural- not just individual- economic and political reform:


We consider it irreconcilable with our developing situation to invest resources in the arms race, excessive bureaucracy, luxury, and ostentation, or the deficient administration of the community.


The Third Conference of Latin American Bishops in Puebla, Mexico in 1979 further developed on this foundation, with the conference devoting much of its energies to discussion of the ‘sinful structures’ evident in the region. What is notable about this language was the assertion that sin was not simply an amorphous spiritual condition; it could also manifest itself systemically, concretely. Moreover, any and all manifestations of sin must be resisted. This represented formal ecclesial recognition that ‘the people of God in Latin America, following the example of Christ, must resist personal and collective injustice with unselfish courage and fearlessness’.  

This can all sound a bit broad and vague, but the focus that liberation theology attempted to give to this new emphasis on social analysis should not be understood as the collection of data ‘about’ the poor or research conducted ‘on’ the poor. Rather, it was to be a process that emphasised engagement, and participation- the life of faith as one of discovery and understanding. 



Priority: Experience and Consciousness


The ultimate aim of liberation theology’s focus on social analysis was a more expansive vision of the people of God, which meant focusing on the life of the community, particularly that part of the community that was being repressed or marginalized because it was poor or of little social or political value. For this reason, liberation theology fostered a ‘bottom-up’ perspective, inverting both the common model of political hierarchy as well as the traditional Catholic hierarchical model, fostering the priority for drawing on the experience of the community when approaching the biblical text and building a new consciousness in the people of God. 

The platform for this priority was the local community of believers and,  in Latin America, the most notable model for these communities were the Christian Base Communities (also referred to as ‘base ecclesial communities’), autonomous laity-led cell-modeled small groups which began in Brazil in 1956 and proliferated throughout the region in the next two decades. The movement was designed to facilitate local worship, discussion, and biblical reflection due to a severe shortage of clergy in the region. 

By way of an active reading of the biblical text through the lens of the experiences of the community- immeasurably indebted to the work of Brazilian education theorist and activist Paolo Friere- the liberationists sought to highlight the place of God in the experience of the people- even in the midst of the reality of Latin America’s pervasive structural poverty and oppression. By doing so, they sought to provide a theological underpinning for the denunciation of that oppression, as well as developing a renewed consciousness on the part of those experiencing oppression or marginalization, reminding them of their value as unique subjects of God’s love and liberation.

Consciousness, then, for the liberationists, was the discovery and development of previously unrecognized or undervalued life, humanity and community, ‘the creation of a new humankind and a qualitatively different society’.

At the heart of this different society is not simply socio-political development but a deep spiritual life as well. While the temporal aspects are undeniable, it has its roots in the transcendent. For if Christ is who says he is, reasoned the liberationists, and accomplished what the Church said he did, the implications for those inflicted with poverty, marginalization, and violence are profound.


Method: Praxis


Of critical importance to Latin American liberation theology was its commitment to praxis, the positive action that follows on from theological reflection. This was its underlying method. Theology as praxis makes explicit the assumption that the critical exercise of theology leads to- or at least should be leading to- a practical outworking, not orthodoxy (‘right belief’) as an end in itself, but ‘ortho-praxy’ (‘right acting’).

The concept of praxis as it existed in Marxist theory- as a practical understanding of the unity of both theory and practice- was well known by the theologians of Latin America. Marx envisioned praxis as a revolutionary mechanism that precipitated a move beyond both abstract philosophy or critique and un-directed activism toward a historical changing of social conditions- revolutionary praxis. Marxist theorists also saw praxis as a way to move beyond pragmatism and determine objective truth; knowledge becomes useful because it is true, not vice versa. Thus, Marxists could point to the success of an action as proof of its validity; a successful praxis served as the confirmation of truth within a theory.

The key contribution made by liberation theology to theoretical praxis was two-fold. First, there was the addition of the ethical and moral dimension- a spirituality- which Marx saw as superfluous. The liberationists saw their reflection on social conditions as taking place in the light of Christian faith. Secondly, while the basic idea of ‘doing’ following on from ‘thinking’ existed in theology long before liberation theology, the Latin Americans emphasized a specific commitment, a specific solidarity with the poor, the marginalized, and the oppressed and a definitive intention for social and political transformation.  This was an understanding of praxis as the Christian revelation of God’s love encountering the reality of structural poverty and oppression- the way things should be as opposed to the way things are. Theological reflection was seen as action and reflection aimed at the transformation of the oppressive situation.

This set liberation theology apart- the action and the reflection were both integral and ongoing parts of the theological process; reflection was not merely investigation of the biblical text leading to a better understanding of God, nor was Christian action on behalf of the poor an end in itself. Taken together, both reflection and action became a dynamic, cyclical process of Christian fellowship and struggle for justice, what Gutiérrez referred to as the poor Christian community’s ‘active presence in history’- religious devotion and religious action.


Direction: A Preferential Option for the Poor


As intimated earlier, Latin American liberation theology did not represent so much a new collection of doctrine but a new intention, a new commitment to see theology from a new location- it was theology with a new direction. That direction was toward the poor. ‘Option’ here means ‘choice’- when decisions must be made, resources allocated, or needs considered, liberation theology asserts that the God of life and liberation demands that the needs of the poorest come first.

In the rigidly-stratified social structure of mid-20th-century Latin America, the overwhelming majority of the population- small farmers, agricultural workers, physical laborers, Amerindians, blacks, mestizos (those of mixed race), children, and the vast majority of women were almost totally absent from public policy and social commentary, given little notice and deemed of little value. They were ‘poor’- economically, politically, and socially.

The ‘option’ for the poor was more than simply the Church ‘taking an interest’, as it were, in the affairs of the poor at a policy level- although that was certainly part of it. Ideally, liberation theology saw the people and the Church envisioning their relationship in light of each other. Brazilian priest and theologian Frei Betto described it this way: 


After (Vatican II and Medellín in 1968)... It wasn’t so much a question of the Church’s opting for the poor as of the poor’s- forced by the repression of the people’s and trade union movements- opting for the Church. In other words, the poor turned to the Church in order to remain organized, articulate, conscious, and active... the poor invaded the Church (and) Catholic priests and bishops began to be converted to Christianity.


Liberation theology asserted that, because of their faith in Jesus Christ, the poor and the marginalized needn’t simply accept their poverty and oppression; God didn’t accept it, either. ‘God’, wrote Mexican theologian Elsa Tamez,’ is not indifferent to situations of injustice’:


God takes sides and comes on the scene as one who favors the poor, those who make up the masses of the people... God identifies with the poor to such an extent that their rights become the rights of God: ‘He who oppresses a poor man insults his Maker, but he who is kind to the needy honors him’ (Prov. 14:31)...


Tamez roots the theological struggle for liberation in a prophetic vision that God himself makes a choice. Jesus came not as an emperor, a king, a chief priest, a wealthy landowner, or even merely as a Roman citizen. Rather, he was a humble man, a carpenter, someone of no social or geopolitical importance, and who lived out almost his whole life in a small, insignificant village. He did not simply love the poor or care about the poor; 

he was poor. 

Jesus took a position and a direction toward the poor and the marginalised and, said the liberationists, by extension, so should God’s Church.     
 
These four elements-

doing theology with a focus on an analysis of social reality;

with a priority of drawing on the experience of the people and of building their consciousness;

by means of a commitment to theological praxis;

and in the direction of the most poor and the most marginalized-

form a significant legacy of Latin American liberation theology. The developments of Dalit theology in India, the work of Sabeel in the occupied Palestinian Territories, the Kairos Document in South Africa and other African theologies, Minjung theology on the Korean Peninsula, Black liberation theology in the US, Latino/a theologies in the Americas, Feminist theology, and Queer theology all represent, in various ways, legacies of Latin American liberation theology’s commitment to reflective theological praxis.

In each context, the vision of liberation and transformation is distinct; theology is being de-limited, making it more relevant, more inclusive, and therefore, as they saw it, truer to the Gospel of Jesus.

Feminist theologian Marcella Althaus-Reid I think put it best:

‘liberation is for everyone or it is for no one’.