Today is the Feast of the Holy Innocents, when we remember those children in
Bethlehem and the surrounding areas killed by Herod in his attempt to kill the
infant Jesus (Matthew 2:16-18).
It is one of the most disturbing incidences in
the biblical text.
What reflection can be derived from such an atrocious act?
I suggest that we critically reflect on how war, poverty, and political and social policies around the globe continue to destroy the lives of children, not just in ‘developing’ regions but in the ‘developed’ as well.
I suggest that we critically reflect on how war, poverty, and political and social policies around the globe continue to destroy the lives of children, not just in ‘developing’ regions but in the ‘developed’ as well.
Separation barrier between the Falls Road and Shankill Road areas, one of over a hundred in Belfast |
I, of course, tend to view this through an Irish lens, and reflect on what the 1968-1998 conflict over Northern Ireland and its aftermath did- and continues to do- to the region’s young people.
Northern Ireland is a ‘young’
region; 40% of the population is under 25. The effects of the 1968-1998 conflict and deeply-rooted, ongoing
sectarianism and segregation affect children and young people in unique ways. It can be argued that
children and young people suffer a disproportionate cost for the actions of the
past and the ongoing segregationist and sectarian policies of our present.
For example:
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Most
children in Northern Ireland live in segregated areas, and the segregation affects them in
distinctive and more acute ways than adults. Children in Northern Ireland wear school uniforms that immediately mark them as Catholic or Protestant. Thus, segregation extends from home, to school, and to social and
leisure activities.
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For many, the first sustained contact with the
‘other’ community may only come at third-level education or first employment.
The fear of being identified as an ‘other’ limits young people’s movements more
than adults, and thereby their opportunities and choices.
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Young
people from lower income and ‘interface’
areas (where one community’s territory is
next to another’s) face greater obstacles in
achieving either third-level education or sustained employment. Unemployment
rates among young people in Northern Ireland tend to be higher
anyway and, in interface communities, the levels are again increased. This then acts as
an important driver toward substance abuse, mental health issues and lack of
social capital and transport.
Moreover, sectarian dynamics, as they are manifested at interface areas,
exacerbate unemployment, acting as a ‘double penalty’ on young people due to
the tendency to only feel safe within the confines of one’s own community and
the hesitancy to leave it due to a more pronounced fear of physical attack. Youth recreation also
suffers if one’s perceived area has no such facilities but patterns of fear and
territorialism discourage travel to or through what is perceived the ‘other’s’ area.
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Children and young adults at interfaces tend to
have more direct experiences of political violence than middle-class counterparts. Particularly,
Northern Ireland’s history of conflict exerts more pressure on boys and young men, where masculine
identity and violent behaviour are often seen as an essential experience of
being young and male.
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As well as more acute experiences of violence, interface children often display distinct
patterns of distrust of the police.
Even more disturbingly, the history of paramilitary control of many interface areas has led to the tendency
for areas to ‘police’ themselves, usually through para-military intimidation and physical
force. Through behaviour deemed anti-social, children and young people often
found themselves- and continue to perceive themselves- the chief targets of
this ‘irregular policing’.
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68% of 18-25 year-olds had never had a meaningful
conversation with anyone from the ‘other’ community. Throughout the
conflict and into the present, attempts were made to mitigate the lack of
meaningful contact with young people from the other community through
cross-community inter-group contact schemes. The effectiveness of such schemes, however, has been a matter of intense debate. Basically, no amount of infrequent
and carefully orchestrated contact, can overcome the formative role played by family and community in a
context of near-total cultural
segregation. More
problematically, many young people, particularly young men, reported that such
schemes increased the chances of sectarian violence by making them more easily
recognisable to elements in the ‘other’ community.
I was deeply moved by this video project produced in Derry, Northern Ireland’s second-largest city. In it, two secondary school girls, one from a Catholic background and one from a Protestant background, exchange school uniforms and walk through the city.
It brought back so many personal memories of young people I have worked with in schools, churches, community centres, and other projects over the years.
It is difficult for someone not from Northern Ireland to grasp the amount the courage needed to do what these two incredible young women did for this project. I believe it stands as an indictment of politicians, church hierarchies, and other community leaders who rarely show the same level of purpose, courage, or vision...
It brought back so many personal memories of young people I have worked with in schools, churches, community centres, and other projects over the years.
It is difficult for someone not from Northern Ireland to grasp the amount the courage needed to do what these two incredible young women did for this project. I believe it stands as an indictment of politicians, church hierarchies, and other community leaders who rarely show the same level of purpose, courage, or vision...
It also stands
as an appeal to those in power to critically reflect, both on what they have done, and
what they have failed- and continue to fail- to do...
Holy Innocents,
pray for us…